Chapter 5 Innovations in Teaching
Geometry
Jesuit geometers made their
greatest contribution in their teaching. Many of their books were meant as
classroom texts. In their schools they insisted that all students learn geometry
and that geometry be taught properly.
Evidence of how
serious they were is taken from four sources:
a. Their insistence
that geometry be in the curriculum
b. Their innovative
attempts to teach geometry clearly and with enthusiasm
c. Their interventions
stimulating others to clarify concepts
d. Their efforts
to disseminate current geometrical discoveries
a. Their insistence
that geometry be in the curriculum
Because of remarkable successes
in the early years, the Society of Jesus was asked to open many schools
throughout Europe, and the norms for granting degrees
as well as the types of subjects to be taught varied from
place to place.
It was evident that some standard process was needed.
After years of discussion and experimentation, a committee
which included Christopher Clavius
completed the third version of a proposed plan, called the Ratio Studiorum
. This was promulgated in 1599 by the Jesuit
General, Acquaviva.
Geometry would be a regular part of the curriculum in
Jesuit schools, and Jesuit scholastics would take mathematics
while they were studying philosophy. While individual schools already taught
geometry, this third version marked the first time
a geometry requirement for all students was made by the whole
Jesuit educational system.
In
later years many superiors, Robert Bellarmine among them, wrote letters urging
care in the teaching of mathematics and the training of mathematics teachers.
In his time Clavius
had these observations to make about the training of mathematics teachers
and the formation of a mathematics society 350 years before the birth of the
American Mathematical Society.
To the end that mathematical studies be held in higher esteem . . . the
mathematics teacher should be invited to disputations. Many a professor of
philosophy has made no end of mistakes because of his ignorance of mathematics.
Once a month scholastics [Jesuit seminarians] should be gathered
. . . to hear original demonstrations of the propositions of
Euclid.
However, that the Society may be able always to have capable teachers of
mathematics, a number of men fit and able to undertake such positions ought
to be chosen and organized in a private academy
for the study of the branches of mathematics.
Otherwise it doesn't seem possible for these studies to survive,
much less advance, in the Society.
It was proposed last year that, for the advancement of mathematical studies
(which were being almost neglected),
those who were to teach mathematics should be excused from teaching grammar,
that they might, during the first year after finishing philosophy,
study mathematics more thoroughly at home, and then teach
publicly one or two years. This
plan was approved, and has even to some extent been put in practice, and
promised to be of the greatest use in encouraging mathematics and also in
promoting the full equipment in other studies.
1
A special school for mathematics
was started in 1611 at Antwerp by Fran�ois d'Aguilon
and produced Jesuit geometers such as Tacquet
and de la Faille.
It demonstrated how serious the Society was about
geometry. The
French Jesuits also developed an important mathematical school which flourished
for generations, and Jean
Baptiste Colbert, minister of Louis XIV, entrusted to the Jesuits the teaching
of hydrography in the French navy.
b. Their innovative
attempts to teach geometry clearly and with enthusiasm
Clavius'
widely used textbook Geometrica practica
(1604) illustrated the concern that geometry be treated not merely as a
spatial exercise but with rigor.
This was emphasized many times later by subsequent authors and commentaries
on Euclid. One work
emphasizing the need to take care in the presentation of the
matter was Cursus seu mundus mathematicus
(Lyons, 1674) by Claude F. M. de Chales
. In it de Chales
urged that all Euclid's books not be treated equally, since some parts
are more important and more intelligible for the beginner than others.
His book is reviewed in the Philosophical Transactions of
the Royal Society: their review
of Mundus mathematicus
praised the teaching principles of this geometry book.
Concerning Euclid, he dissuades from teaching novices all the books of Euclid
indifferently; alleging to have learned by experience that, at the beginning,
time is ill spent in learning his
7th, 8th, 9th and 10th Books2
Another such was work was
Elementa geometriae (1654) of
AndrŽ Tacquet which so influenced
Roberval, Pascal and Fermat.
His book went through many editions and was distinguished for its clarity
and order. For this reason it
was used for generations of readers
and was called by Henry Oldenburg, the founder of the TRS, "one of the best
books ever written in Mathematics." 3
He comments further: ".
. . being an account of one of the most considerable volumes of mathematics
extant, we hope we may be the better excused for its prolixity."
4
HonorŽ Fabri tried to
unify all physics along the lines of geometry; as it was described in the
TRS, "Concerning his method
he hath comprehended the whole of Physics in a geometrical method."
5 It was HonorŽ
Fabri who first explained Galileo's
experiment demonstrating equal time for falling bodies.
Galileo, in turn, had gotten interested in the problem in the first place
because of the writings of another Jesuit, Niccolo Cabeo, S.J.
Fabri, by the
way, spoke of another of Galileo's problems, the motion of the earth around
the sun. His observations, however,
came at an awkward time.
Apparently more was expected of Fabri
since he belonged to the Holy Office. The TRS quotes him and then comments
on his courageous statements concerning the movement of the earth.
It hath been more than once asked whether they had a demonstration for asserting
the motion of the Earth? They
durst never yet affirm they had; wherefore nothing hinders but that the Church
may understand those scripture-places, that speak of this matter in a literal
sense, and declare they should be so understood as long as the contrary is
not evinced by any demonstration; which, if perhaps it should be found out
by you (which I can hardly believe it will) in this case the Church will not
at all scruple to declare, that these places are to be understood in a figurative
and improper sense."
Whence this Author concludes,
that the said Jesuit assuring us that the inquisition hath not absolutely
declared, that those Scripture places are to be understood literally, seeing
that the Church may make a contrary declaration, no man ought to scruple to
follow the Hypothesis of the Earth's motion, but only forbear to maintain
it in public, till the prohibition be called in.
6
This statement brought Fabri 50 days in prison under Pope Alexander VII,
and he was released only by the
intervention of Leopold II. He still put a chapter in his Dialogi physici
(1665) entitled "de motu terrae"
(concerning the earth's motion).
Fabri's
ingenious quadrature of the cycloid inspired young Leibniz, and Newton first
learned of Grimaldi's teaching
of divergence from the writings of Fabri.
He was the leader of a circle of mathematicians which led
him into friendship with Gassendi, Mersenne, Cassini, LaHire, Descartes and
Huygens. The Journal
des Scavans
speaks of Fabri's
teaching the circulation of blood before William Harvey.
The Jesuit
Daniel Bartoli, S.J., was another who did not hesitate to praise the
works of Galileo while they were still on the Index.
He did much to encourage scientific debates and make
science available to the general reader,as well as to encourage impartial
consideration of scientific evidence.
His books were widely read and frequently translated.
In his Dell'huomo di lettere
(Rome, 1659) he encourages the pursuit of scholarship even in the face
of hostility, neglect and poverty.
He tried to stimulate appreciation of original ideas and to discourage
the worship of authority.7
Christopher Scheiner
in the training of young mathematicians organized public debates, "disputationes"
(many of which were later published), in order to emphasize the geometrical
concepts taught.
Similarly, Joseph Stepling
founded a mathematical and
scientific research group in Prague which met every month.
A large number of treatises of this group were published.
In 1753 the Empress Maria Theresa, as part of her educational
reform, made him director of the faculty of science and philosophy in Prague.
8
The Flemish Jesuit Ferdinand
Verbiest wrote several important
geometry books in China, comprising tables, descriptions of instruments and
predictions of future eclipses.
These writings were treasured by the Emperor.
c. Their interventions
stimulating others to clarify concepts
The heliocentric world system was not widely accepted until 1760, after
Copernicus' De revolutionibus
had been removed from the Index (1757) due to the intervention
of RogerBoscovich
.9
It was
Boscovich more than anyone else
who finally convinced Pope Benedict
XIV to remove Copernicus from the Index of forbidden books, perhaps a century
and a half too late.
In the collected works of Robert Boyle and of Christian Huygens and
in the correspondence of Isaac Newton, the number of references to Jesuit
geometers is extensive.
The same can be said of the writings of Descartes, Mersenne, Gassendi and
many others. The influence
was due in large part to the peculiar position of the Jesuit Society in the
field of higher education and to its policy of encouraging scholarship in
mathematics among its members.
Perhaps because this influence was
indirect, it has been ignored by many historians.
But frequently Jesuits were able to approach both sides in
a dispute and bring a nasty argument
to a happy conclusion. Conor
Reilly and the DSB illustrate this point.
There were times when some of these men (Jesuits) intervened at critical
times. Pardies
for instance in a growing dispute between Newton and Huygens bringing an
unseemly argument to an early conclusion.
It was Roger Boscovich
who finally convinced the Papacy (Benedict XIV) to abrogate the decree of
the index against the Copernican system.
Some of the elusive language used by Boyle in the early statement of
his volume/pressure law was focused because of the intervention of Francis
Line.10
Pardies
intervened at a certain decisive moment
in a debate between Newton and Huygens, and his important contributions
in his correspondence which reflected a vigorous intellect forced Newton to
clarify his thinking.
New meanings emerged from beneath the Aristotelian language, and he tried
to effect a compromise between Descartes and Aristotle.
11
The influence of Clavius
was not limited to his teachings
and his enduring books. His
correspondence was enormous, and some of it has been collected and preserved
in the archives of the Gregorian University in Rome.
There are 291 letters - some really treatises - in this
Clavius collection.
Most are from correspondents writing to
Clavius
. It is unfortunate that his
letters were not saved, but one can
still get an idea of his influence.
It is, however, like hearing a telephone conversation, able
to hear only one party and having to guess at what the other party is asking
and saying. The correspondents
include not only geometers, but also rulers of all kinds: kings, emperors,
and popes.
The number and contents of Galileo's letters show that
he was a good friend of Clavius.
The latter was able to joke
with him about seeing Jupiter's four moons only because Galileo drew them
on the lens of the telescope.
Other letters show that
Clavius' support for Copernicus'
heliocentric teaching was the preponderant reason for its acceptance among
the learned.
Light is thrown on some personalities
in the letters. Tycho Brahe chided
Clavius for not writing more
often. The famous astronomer
Fran�ois Viete was concerned about Clavius'
criticism because it got him into trouble with Rome.
Encyclopedias speak of Viete as a Protestant, a Huguenot,
an agnostic, even though he was baptized and died a Catholic.
His letters to Clavius
show him a serious practicing Catholic.
Edward Phillips, S.J.,
has gathered together a commentary on this very interesting collection of
letters to Clavius illustrating
the far reaching influence Clavius
had.12
d. Their efforts
to disseminate current geometrical discoveries
The dissemination of geometry
throughout the civilized world was evident from the efforts of Father Esprit
Pezenas, S.J., a corresponding
member of the Academie Royale des Sciences, who played a major role in the
diffusion of the geometrical works of the English geometers among the French.
The Jesuit Asad Goryu modernized Japanese astronomy
and turned it away from the faulty Chinese system.
But nowhere is the spread of
geometrical ideas more evident than in the works of
Matteo Ricci
and his successors in China, Schall von Bell
and Verbiest.
Gilbert Highet comments on the missionary effort
and its consequences.
The Jesuits went to unparalleled
lengths and showed unbelievable patience in adapting themselves to the people
they had determined to teach.
For instance, they sent out a small expedition of ten or twelve priests
to Christianize four hundred million Chinese.
This almost impossible task they started by studying China.
It was an empire, ruled from the top by comparatively few
men. Good.
If the few men could be converted, the rest would, in due course,
follow. Now, how could the
few men be converted, the emperor, the courtiers, and the mandarins?
What did they admire most?
Philosophy, literature , art and science.
The Jesuits therefore spent
several years learning Chinese philosophy, art, and literature, making ready
to meet the Chinese on their own level.
After the imperial officials had slowly, reluctantly admitted them,
the Jesuits at once flattered them by talking to them in their own tongue,
and attracted them by displaying specially prepared maps and astronomical
instruments. Instead of being
rejected as foreign barbarians, they were accepted as intelligent and cultivated
men. One of them, who became
a painter in the Chinese style, is now regarded as one of the classical artists
of China.
The next stage, which they approached
very, very delicately, was to make the mandarins willing to learn from them.
They did this by discussing astronomy with the Chinese scientists,
constructing maps of the world with the place-names shown in Chinese characters
and the Chinese empire at the center, presenting sundials and astronomical
instruments to the high officials whom they met, and ultimately by assisting
the Imperial Board of Rites to correct its calendar so as to forecast eclipses
and calculate celestial phenomena more accurately than any Chinese had ever
been able to do.13
From about 1600 until the suppression in 1773, Jesuits were practically
the sole source of Chinese knowledge about Western astronomy,
geometry and trigonometry
Appointments in the Astronomical Bureau provided the Jesuits with access
to the ruling elite, whose conversion was their main object.
Mathematical and astronomical treatises demonstrated high
learning and proved that the missionaries were civilized and socially acceptable.
14
While trigonometry became an
analytic science in Europe, in the Orient it remained primitive until the
Jesuits came.15
The China mission has been spoken of with awe and admiration
by historians such as Joseph Needham, who relates the difficulties under which
the Jesuits labored.
Ricci, Schall, Verbiest and, in a later generation, Gaubil, were in China
at a period of spontaneous decline of indigenous science, the Ming dynasty
and early Ching, a decline which had nothing obviously to do with the forces
which sent them there and permitted them to stay. . . There was of course
the almost insuperable difficulty of language at a time when sinology hardly
existed and no good dictionaries had been made.
16
Another historian of this period was John Baddeley whose book
praises the work of the Jesuits even though he disapproves
of their motives, - the spread of the Gospel.
His frontispiece depicts a Jesuit standing at the left of
the throne of the Emperor while all others are kneeling. It has the caption:
Thrice three times the Envoys bow
Forehead to the ground, in vile kowtow:
The subtle Jesuit flanks the throne,
God's, some say - some, the Devil's own.
17
Matteo Ricci's
arrival in China
in 1583 marked the beginning of the Catholic missions there.
After working in various provinces he finally
settled in Peking in 1601, where, under the protection of the emperor Wan-li,
he remained until his death.
His success was due to his complete adaption to the culture, as well as
to his personal qualities and abilities.
Recognized as an authority in mathematics and science, he disseminated
geometry by lecturing, writing, publishing maps and making scientific instruments.
The Chinese geometrical works for which he is
remembered were mostly translations
of Clavius' books on the astrolabe,
the sphere, measures and isoperimetrics.
But especially important was his Chinese version of the first six
books of Euclid's Elements ,
which was written in collaboration with one of his pupils. Entitled A
first textbook of geometry, this
work assures Ricci an important
place in the history of mathematics.
For 20 years Ricci
had tried to reach the emperor in person, but the emperor
was a recluse not accustomed to seeing his own people.
For a time suspicious landlords would drive Ricci
and his companions from their dwellings, until they hit on the plan of
renting haunted houses. Then
no one bothered them.
Unexpectedly the emperor summoned Ricci
and his companions to inquire about
a ringing clock brought to him by the Jesuits.
His own scientists had failed to fix it when it stopped.
Since the emperor
could not receive these foreigners in person, he had an artist draw full length
portraits of them, so that they could have a vicarious interview.
Another opportunity was occasioned
by an eclipse of the sun: the prediction of the expected time and duration
made by his own Chinese astronomers
differed considerably from the Jesuit prediction.
When the latter prediction proved correct,
the place of the Jesuit mathematicians was secure.
It is curious that the Jesuits taught the Chinese
the heliocentric theory, unaware that Galileo's trial had taken place.
So at the very moment Galileo was being accused
of heresy in Rome, the Jesuits in China were teaching the same heliocentric
message that they had learned from their Jesuit colleagues before they had
left Rome. There
was a good five-year lag in communications.
The influence of the China mission
was spectacular, including projects like determining the Russo-Chinese border,
and its success was even more
dramatic than that of the Paraguay Reductions. Their story is told in tapestries
and paintings found in the art world
and references to them are read in world histories.
Europe was thrilled at the venture.
Leibniz, an ecumenist far ahead of his time, suggested to
his Jesuit friends on the China mission how to clarify the mystery of the
Trinity by using the newly discovered imaginary numbers as an analog.
It is not clear whether this was ever attempted.
Louis XIV was so enthusiastic about the work of this
mission that at his own expense he equipped a Jesuit group of
"Royal Mathematicians" with the latest scientific instruments
and paid their passage to Peking.
One of these men, Father Gerbillon, S.J., mapped out the whole Chinese empire;
his work is considered a masterpiece even today.
His 120 pages of maps have served as the basis of maps of
China for the past three centuries.
Although the mission had frightful
dangers, savage martyrdoms and terrible disappointments, there were times
when the Jesuits enjoyed great prestige, independence and authority.
One such time, during the reign of Emperor K'ang Hsi, was
the tenure of Ferdinand Verbiest
(whose Chinese name was Nan-huai-jen
) as president of the Board of Mathematics.
He succeeded Matteo Ricci
and Adam Schall
as one of the three great figures of the Jesuit Chinese Mission.
Verbiest died 300 years ago on the 27th of
January in 1688,
was buried with the same imperial honors as the other two, and was laid to
rest at their side.
Verbiest
had been summoned to Peking by the Mandarin Emperor to succeed Schall
in his declining years. When
he arrived he found himself engaged in a contest with the state astronomer,
a Chinese Moslem named Yang-kiang-sien, concerning the position of the planet
Mercury. In a public dispute
Verbiest correctly predicted
its location but Yang's prediction proved incorrect.
This meant
death for the Moslem astronomer, but Schall
intervened to spare his life.
Charitable though this was,
it led to one of the bitterest battles in the history of the mission, in
which Yang sought revenge for his humiliation.
He registered a triple indictment accusing the mission of being
a menace to the state, charging the Jesuits with treason, teaching a false
religion and teaching false astronomy.
Verbiest gave a passionate
defense of Schall,
who by this time was paralyzed and unable to speak. The first charge was
not sustained, but the second charge held, so the Jesuits and their Chinese
allies were chained and cast into a filthy prison, where they were bound to
wooden pegs in such a way that they could neither stand nor sit.
There they remained for almost two months until their sentence
of strangulation was imposed.
A high court found the sentence too light and ordered Schall
to be cut up into bits while still alive.
The sentence, however, was not carried out because an earthquake
destroyed the part of the palace chosen for the execution.
Later the government decided
to test the third charge of false astronomical teachings.
The Emperor ordered a public debate on the relative merits
of Chinese and European astronomy.
It was to have three parts: to determine the shadow of a fixed gnomon ( a
column erected perpendicular to the horizon used to find the meridian altitude),
to predict the position of the planets at a fixed time and to predict the
exact time of a lunar eclipse which was expected about that time.
It was decided that the two astronomers, the Chinese Moslem
Yang, and the Christian Verbiest
,should each use his mathematical
skills and then the Heavens would be the judge.
The affair was carried out at
the Bureau of Astronomy, where were gathered the privy council, the ministers
of state, the officials of the observatory, and a host of other mandarins.
The inept Yang was not up to the tasks and so Verbiest
, with his precise data, triumphed
in all three.
Verbiest was immediately installed
as president of the Board of Mathematics.
The displaced president of the board, having supported Yang,
lost face and was banished.
Verbiest
then boldly suggested that the mistakes in the calendar be corrected. The
Jesuits had reviewed the previous
work of the Moslem and Chinese
astronomers and proved that
an extra month had been inserted.
Verbiest
insisted that it be eliminated.
Alarmed that such a public document as the calendar,which had been approved
and promulgated by the Emperor,
should be altered, the officials begged Verbiest
to withdraw the suggestion.
He replied, "It is not within my power to make the heavens agree with your
calendar. The extra month must
be taken out." It was, and
Verbiest had won an astonishing
victory.
After this Verbiest
had a real friend in the Emperor K'ang Hsi, who was eager to share his knowledge.
Verbiest taught
him geometry, and in doing so translated the first six books of Euclid into
Manchu. He instructed him also
in philosophy and music. In doing
this he took advantage of every opportunity to introduce Christianity.
The Emperor elevated him to the highest grade of the mandarinate
and gave him permission to preach Christianity anywhere in the empire.
After his initial triumphs
Verbiest was entrusted with very
many projects of the empire.
It seemed that little went
on in the empire during the next few decades without Verbiest
,and it was not unusual for the Emperor
to take Verbiest along on
his excursions. Having restructured
the calendar, one of the empire's most crucial documents, he composed a table
of all solar and lunar eclipses for the next 2000 years.
Delighted with this the Emperor gave him complete charge of
the imperial astronomy observatory, which had been built in 1279.
Since the ancient equipment was by now obsolete, Verbiest
designed new instruments and completely rebuilt the observatory in 1673.
Sensitive to the history of the empire, he preserved the old
equipment. Then he constructed
the great bronze astronomical instruments which have become
a Peking tourist attraction even today.
When the Jesuits were forced out after the suppression
of the Society, the observatory fell into disrepair; during the Boxer rebellion
instruments were stolen and brought to Prussia, and the Jesuit scientific
library was given to the Czar.
In 1981, however, the Chinese government restored the observatory.
His scientific achievements
occasioned several princes and many mandarins and scholars to become Catholics,
so that by the time Verbiest
died there were about 800,000 Catholics living in 1,200 communities.
His funeral was a very stately affair led by a 25-foot banner
telling of his accomplishments.
Taking part were fifty horsemen, musicians and standard bearers carrying
portraits of Fr.Verbiest
and the saints. Attending were very many people, including representatives
from the Emperor.
Verbiest
is listed as one of 108 Chinese heroes in the popular novel Shui Hu
Chuan , and his portrait is shown
with Chinese features in a famous Japanese print.
After he died he was buried next to the other two giants of
the Jesuit mission, Matteo Ricci
and Adam Schall.
Today it is possible, though difficult, to visit their tomb
since it is on the campus of a college of political science, but it is immaculately
preserved.
Verbiest
died a century after the Jesuit mission had begun, and a century before
the tragic decision of Pope Clement XI regarding the Chinese rites, which
practically ended this vibrant,
promising mission. The work in
China had to be started over again in a later century and with much less success.
It is not difficult
to imagine the consequences
if such a decision had been made in the fifth century, when St. Patrick
was trying to cope with the rites of the Gaels.
An important vehicle for the
dissemination of geometrical ideas was the intellectual apostolate instigated
by a Jesuit alumnus, the Minim friar Marin Mersenne. It was a group of intellectuals,
including Jesuits, whose intercommunication of ideas was facilitated by Mersenne.
His correspondence is contained in a 12-volume work,
which stands as a monument to his influence in disseminating
geometry throughout Europe.
From about 1623 Mersenne began to make the careful selection of savants
who met at his convent in Paris or corresponded with him from all over Europe
and as far afield as Tunisia, Syria, and Constantinople.
His regular visitors or correspondents came to include Peiresc,
Gassendi, Descartes, . . . Fermat and Pascal.
Mersenne's role as secretary of the republic of scientific
letters, with a strong point of view of his own, became institutionalized
in the Academia Parisiensis, which he organized in 1635 - his monument as
an architect of the European scientific community.
18
Chapter 5 Footnotes
1. Edward Phillips:
"The proposals of Father Christopher Clavius for improving the
teaching of mathematics" in
the Bulletin of the American Association of Jesuit
Scientists.
1941, vol. 18, p. 203-207.
Phillips takes this material
from the Monumenta Paedagogica S.J., p 471-476 #35,35.
2. TRS vol. 9, p.
229.
3. TRS vol. 3, p.
869.
4. TRS vol. 3, p.
876.
5. TRS vol. 1, p.
325.
6. TRS vol. 1, p.
74-75.
7. DSB vol. 1, p.
483-484. Daniel Bartoli admonished
his readers to prove things for
themselves and not just to rely on an argument from authority. He wrote
several books
on physics, on the propagation of sound and on atmospheric pressure.
8. DSB vol. 12, p.
39.
9. DSB vol. 14, p.
159.
10. Conor Reilly: Francis
Line, S.J., an exiled English scientist
. Rome: IHSI,1969,
p. 109-110.
11. DSB vol 10, p. 315.
12. Edward Phillips:
"The Correspondence of Father Christopher Clavius, S.J., preserved
in the Archives of the Gregorian University" in AHSI
vol. 8, 1939, p.
193-222.
The influence Clavius - and
other Jesuits - had on the direction science and
mathematics took during this time is more fully treated
by Peter Dear in "Jesuit
mathematical science and the reconstitution of experience in the early
seventeenth
century" in Studies in History and Philosophy of Science
, 1987, vol. 18, p.133-175.
13. Gilbert Highet:
The Art of Teaching
. New York: Knopf, 1954, p. 222-223.
14. DSB vol. 14, p. 159.
15. D. E. Smith:
History of Mathematics
. New York: Dover,1958, p. 613.
16. Joseph Needham:
Civilization in China
. vol. 3 Cambridge: University
Press, 1959,
p. 173.
17. John F. Baddeley:
Russia, Mongolia, China, 1602-1676.
New York: Burt Franklin,
1916. Throughout this
classic work on Sino-Russian relations are found references to
the work of the Jesuit geometers, including a very respectful biography
of Verbiest
written by Baddeley himself, "since none is available." (p. 433-437).
18. DSB vol. 9,
p. 316.
Introduction to Jesuit Geometers
Ch 1. Jesuit textbooks and publications
Ch 2. Jesuit inventions in practical geometry
Ch 3. Jesuit innovations in the various fields of geometry
Ch 4. Jesuit influence through teaching and correspondence
Ch 5. Jesuit teaching innovations, methods and attitudes
Ch 6. Evaluation of these Jesuit geometers by professionals.
< br>
Appendix to Jesuit Geometers
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